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	EU E-Learning Units
HOME CONTACT E-Learning Unit 3: The EU Institutions and Modes of Governance Introduction The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe Dissolving of the Pillar Structure Reforming the Union´s Competencies A Clear-Cut Catalogue of Competences? Categories of Competences Reforming the Procedures and Instruments Revision Procedures Legislative Procedures Budgetary Procedure A Revised Institutional Architecture The European Parliament Increase in Competence and Function With New Strength Towards a Bicameral System *A Full-Fledged Parliament?* The European Council An Expanded List of Tasks The President of the European Council The Council of Ministers Composition of the Council and its Presidency The New Majority Formula An Enhanced Ability? The Union Minister for Foreign Affairs The European Commission Reforms in the Light of European 'Leitideen' An Enhanced President of the Commission The College Perspectives Towards a New Institutional Balance? In a Fusion Trend? The TCE as a Further Step in the Evolution of European States? Further Readings .	III.1.3 A Full-Fledged Parliament? In view of both the comprehensive extension of parliamentary participation [Graphic], and the greater number and heterogeneity of its members, the future ability of this institution to act effectively will have to be examined in practice; as this organ has come to occupy an even more central position in the institutional architecture [Graphic], this question will be of long-term relevance for the capacity of decision-making in the EU system at large. This analysis must start from the constitutional provision which requires majority approval by the members of Parliament (i.e. 376) for the lawful passage of the relevant electoral, legislative and budgetary procedures; given the only relative party-political majorities in the European Parliament, the written constitution will hence increase pressure on the two strongest factions to form a 'grand coalition'. It cannot be ruled out that Parliament may not reach the necessary majorities due to its internal heterogeneity and notorious rate of absenteeism. The possibility to dissolve Parliament during its 5-year legislative period is, however, not foreseen by the Constitutional Treaty [Composition of the EP]. One of the major structural deficits of the European Parliament is the inexact demographic representation of the citizens [Table]. The principal of 'equality of votes' is violated due to the fact that the smaller countries are over-represented proportionally wise, because each member state has at least six delegates, which cuts off the principal of digressive proportion. The Constitutional Treaty legitimates this misrepresentation by characterising the EU as a Union "reflecting the will of the citizens and states of Europe" (Art. I-1 TCE). Compared to national parliaments the EP lacks the right to initiate legislative procedures, even though the TCE has attributed an enhanced right to ask the Commission for initiation. Adding up these facts and the prevented right to consent to the Constitutional Treaty (Art. IV-443) the European Parliament seems to have gained enhanced competences but to lack the attributes of a full-fledge parliament. Links: Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe European Parliament Website	The European Parliament (Source: EP website)
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EU E-Learning Units

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E-Learning Unit 3: The EU Institutions and Modes of Governance

III.1.3 A Full-Fledged Parliament?

In view of both the comprehensive extension of parliamentary participation [Graphic], and the greater number and heterogeneity of its members, the future ability of this institution to act effectively will have to be examined in practice; as this organ has come to occupy an even more central position in the institutional architecture [Graphic], this question will be of long-term relevance for the capacity of decision-making in the EU system at large. This analysis must start from the constitutional provision which requires majority approval by the members of Parliament (i.e. 376) for the lawful passage of the relevant electoral, legislative and budgetary procedures; given the only relative party-political majorities in the European Parliament, the written constitution will hence increase pressure on the two strongest factions to form a 'grand coalition'. It cannot be ruled out that Parliament may not reach the necessary majorities due to its internal heterogeneity and notorious rate of absenteeism. The possibility to dissolve Parliament during its 5-year legislative period is, however, not foreseen by the Constitutional Treaty [Composition of the EP].

One of the major structural deficits of the European Parliament is the inexact demographic representation of the citizens [Table]. The principal of 'equality of votes' is violated due to the fact that the smaller countries are over-represented proportionally wise, because each member state has at least six delegates, which cuts off the principal of digressive proportion. The Constitutional Treaty legitimates this misrepresentation by characterising the EU as a Union "reflecting the will of the citizens and states of Europe" (Art. I-1 TCE).

Compared to national parliaments the EP lacks the right to initiate legislative procedures, even though the TCE has attributed an enhanced right to ask the Commission for initiation.

Adding up these facts and the prevented right to consent to the Constitutional Treaty (Art. IV-443) the European Parliament seems to have gained enhanced competences but to lack the attributes of a full-fledge parliament.

Links:

The European Parliament (Source: EP website)

GLOSSARY: