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E-Learning Unit 3: The EU Institutions and Modes of Governance

  1. Introduction
  2. The Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe
    1. Dissolving of the Pillar Structure
    2. Reforming the Union´s Competencies
      1. A Clear-Cut Catalogue of Competences?
      2. Categories of Competences
    3. Reforming the Procedures and Instruments
      1. Revision Procedures
      2. Legislative Procedures
      3. Budgetary Procedure
  3. A Revised Institutional Architecture
    1. The European Parliament
      1. Increase in Competence and Function
      2. With New Strength Towards a Bicameral System
      3. A Full-Fledged Parliament?
    2. The European Council
      1. An Expanded List of Tasks
      2. The President of the European Council
    3. The Council of Ministers
      1. Composition of the Council and its Presidency
      2. The New Majority Formula
      3. An Enhanced Ability?
    4. The Union Minister for Foreign Affairs
    5. The European Commission
      1. Reforms in the Light of European 'Leitideen'
      2. An Enhanced President of the Commission
      3. The College
  4. Perspectives
    1. Towards a New Institutional Balance?
    2. In a Fusion Trend?
    3. The TCE as a Further Step in the Evolution of European States?
  5. Further Readings

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III.5.2 The College

The number of members in the European Commission [list of commissioners] proved to be an especially contentious point during the Intergovernmental Conference. Somewhere between the two poles of a grand body with 'representative' character on the one hand, and a smaller but more effective organ on the other, the IGC opted for the rather unconvincing compromise set forth by the Convention and thus merely chose the popular solution of delaying the final decision:

According to Art. I-26 (6) TCE, every member state can propose a Commissioner by 2014; after that point, the composition will be reduced to two thirds of the total number of member states, to be selected by a system of balanced rotation. The European Council may, of course, change this figure by unanimous agreement. Given the assumptions on the vested interests of government chiefs, it is to be expected that the European Council will undo this decision before 2014 so as to keep the current system of one member per state. The heads of governments in 2014 will not want to pre-empt their chance to propose a politician for such an important organ. The power of patronage and the lasting influence it is expected to provide, ultimately remain central instruments of all governmental politics. Moreover, the principle of 'one member per state' underscores the legitimacy of the Commission.

The heads of state and govnment have not abolished the principle of collegiality. The College (the president comprised) remains responsible in its entirety, which means that the dimission of one single commissioner will still not be possible in the future.

     

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